Book Review: “A Bridge Between Hearts: Anglo-Chinese Friendship and Understanding”, by Zoe Reed

Book cover of A Bridge Between Hearts: Anglo-Chinese Friendship and Understanding  by Zoë K. Reed, SACU Chair

This book review by Paul Morris was first published in the Spring 2020 issue of US-China Review, the journal of the US China People’s Friendship Association (USCPFA) and we are grateful to Paul for his permission to reproduce it here. Paul is Production Co-ordinator of US-China Review; he is also a SACU member.

A foreign father given up for dead, an unwed mother struggling to make ends meet, a reunion with a long-lost daughter from abroad. Add a handful of prominent China hands who show up at key junctures and you have the plot for an international, intergenerational family drama. This story of 20th century Britain and China comes to us from Zoë Reed, now head of the U.K. friendship association, the Society for Anglo-Chinese Understanding (SACU). Her wide-ranging memoir illuminates the history of British-Chinese relations as she recounts the connections among her father, her mother, and notables such as Joseph Needham and Rewi Alley.

The book, A Bridge Between Hearts: Anglo-Chinese Friendship and Understanding, contains a substantial autobiography by her Chinese father, an account of her English mother’s life, and her own story of connecting with her Chinese roots and working in the China friendship movement. Published in Beijing, it is bilingual.

The author’s father won a scholarship to study industrial engineering in Britain in 1946, and met the author’s mother in London through the circle of Joseph Needham, the scholar of Chinese science and technology. Their relationship ended in 1950 when K.C. Sun, the student, returned to China. The author’s mother, Susan Eunice Reed, had not told him she was pregnant with their child.

After years of believing that her Chinese father was dead, Zoë discovered that he was living in Lanzhou, Gansu province, and with considerable effort managed to reunite with him and his Chinese family. China during the war with Japan is where K.C. Sun’s story began, in a farm family living near Kaifeng, Henan. In a battle with the Japanese in 1937 the Nationalist army dynamited dikes to stop the advancing enemy, flooding large tracts and making refugees of Sun and his family. He was unfortunate in being left in an orphanage near Xi’an, but fortunate in eventually finding a spot in the Bailie Schools, a series of progressive schools set up by New Zealander Rewi Alley.

In the Bailie School near Baoji, Shaanxi, he received academic and technical training and met other left-leaning foreigners, such as George Hogg, who were involved in the Chinese Industrial Cooperative movement. After a move to a Bailie school near Lanzhou, Sun had the chance to accompany Joseph Needham and Rewi Alley on a 1943 expedition to Dunhuang in the northwest of Gansu province. “Meeting Dr. Needham as well as Mr. Alley would affect the rest of my life in ways I could not predict,” he wrote. Needham’s photographs documented the adventure.

One memory from the Bailie school in Lanzhou is of gardens that featured apple trees that were a gift from U.S. Vice President Henry Wallace. The same vice president presented honeydew melon seeds to the school in 1944, according to a memoir by Charlie Grossman of USCPFA. Sun graduated from his studies in mechanical engineering in 1947 and was picked to go to Britain for further training, with the sponsorship of Needham and the charity British United Aid to China. In Britain he gained technical experience in the textile industries in Nottingham and North Wales. During a three-year stay he met and had a relationship with the student Susan Reed, who had an interest in China because of connections with Joseph Needham. She helped introduce him to British life, including concerts by Paul Robeson in London and walks in urban parks.

One touching story from 1949 told of K.C.’s invitation to speak to a Women’s Federation group on the new Chinese government. “I told Susan, ‘They want me talk about Chinese Communist, so she read a book, which was called Red Star Over China. Eventually she did a very well speech and typed it down for me. When I got to the meeting, I just read it. Since then, we meet each other more and more, I really admire her very much.”

The second part of the book is Eunice (as she later called herself) Reed’s story, also something of an international adventure that began in Nyasaland (today’s Malawi) where her parents were in the retail trade. As a student back in England she encountered the Needham family through the Cooperative College near Nottingham. When, after K.C.’s departure for China, she needed help as a single mother, she turned to Needham, who made some attempts to find work for her. She had decided to abandon any hope of reconnecting with the father of her daughter Zoë.

After a career in nursing, Eunice circled around to connect anew with Joseph Needham. In his last years in the 1990s she worked as his caretaker in Cambridge. While Zoë was growing up she made several important contacts in the Anglo-Chinese community. One contact eventually led to her father, still living in Lanzhou. Though her mother declined to participate, Zoë journeyed to China and made a strong connection with her father and his extended family. Her description of the growing bonds with her Chinese family is sensitive and affecting, as is her treatment of her mother’s often difficult times. She writes of her youth, when her father was never spoken of, and her need to answer the question, “Where are you from?” She comments, “I felt a fraud to claim being half Chinese when I couldn’t then point to any relations from China.”

After 1999 she was able to learn much of her Chinese heritage during visits to her family. Zoë Reed is currently a medical administrator in London and since 2009 has been Chair of SACU. This major volunteer contribution demonstrates her commitment to building understanding between China and the U.K. As leader of a SACU tour group in 2013 she retraced the trip her father had made with Joseph Needham in 1943, visiting the Bailie School and Dunhuang. In her description of SACU’s history she mentions a detail that will be familiar to USCPFA members: “It had thousands of members in its early days and was the only route to China in the 1970s.” This was the result of a Chinese policy that in the early years of travel gave visas to politically friendly organizations. SACU is now a smaller volunteer organization with regular events in London and several other cities.


A Bridge between Hearts: Anglo-Chinese Friendship and Understanding by Zoë K. Reed,
Beijing Publishing House, 2016, 256 pages in English with Chinese translation.
ISBN 978-7-200-12351-7.
This very worthwhile family memoir is available from Amazon in the U.K. and Cypress Books

Covering up: Covid-19 and the face

Covering up: Covid-19 and the face, by Elizabeth Gasson, 10th April 2020

Having spent seven years in China, our SACU member, Elizabeth left China with her soon-to-be fiancé, and headed to the UK to take a research degree and convert her career area into Psychology (so as to better support her students). She is now residing in Sydney where her now-husband is working towards the opening of a Chinese bank branch there and she is pursuing her PhD in Cognitive Science (focused on Chinese reading difficulties) while expanding her online Education Centre for Chinese individuals around the world. Here she discusses her recent concern relating to COVID-19, based on her conversations with Chinese, British and Australian communities, and the international news.  

Various sources have criticised The People’s Republic of China, PRC, for its tardy disclosure of the Covid-19 virus. However, even after letting the virus duplicate its DNA like wildfire, The PRC managed to contain the virus so radically when the deadly picture had been painted. Following this, they warned international media of the deadliness this disease presented and provided regular updates. However, even as this is being written, China is being accused of “fake statistics” as they start loosening the restrictions placed for months on millions of peoples’ lives.

Internationally, when the row was getting too tough to hoe for international leaders, some of them were barely pulling in the reins on social contact as they larked about rubbing their nostrils with one hand and shaking patients’ hands with the other, all on national TV. Meanwhile, Chinese leaders were locking down cities, only allowing those with permits to leave their building, and even then, they must be masked up.

A student of mine from a small city in Zhejiang province shared his account of Covid-19 each week. He spoke of lights turning on and off in different rooms at the hotel-turned quarantine centre that he could see from his apartment window. As he described his experience, I imagined how he was watching a slow-motion newsreel about tragedy and hope, waiting for the next stage. The future looked bleak but life would go on.

Internationally, a large number of countries have already surpassed China’s stage of the epidemic yet there is still relative freedom to stretch the legs and roam around unmasked. Reports of sunbathers lapping up the sun and picnics in the park can still be found in British local community groups on Facebook, even after The British Health Secretary Matt Hancock’s denouncement of such acts.

The different approaches in containing the virus can be reflected in the international statistics. In the USA, the death toll currently sits at 1014 (Coronavirus Update (Live), Worldometer, 10/04/2020), in a country of 0.33 billion, between a quarter and a fifth of China’s 1.45 billion people. Yet in the densely populated cities and towns of China, the virus has been contained at 3335 fatalities. Covid-19 was halted in its steps in a country with the largest population in the world. Nonetheless, comments claiming that China is “covering up” are still being voiced in the media. On April 2nd, Senator Ben Sasse, a Republican from Nebraska, told Bloomberg News, “The claim that the United States has more coronavirus deaths than China is false”  (‘China Concealed Extent of Virus Outbreak, U.S. Intelligence Says’, 2020). China has taken the brunt time and again for its “coverups”.

It is a matter of perspective one might say, for misinformation has a number of facades. The PRC has been criticised over censoring the initial outbreak in Wuhan,  but did they understand the severity of it, or even what it was in December of 2019? Was their handling then more improper than the broadcasting recently of distracting or even dishonest information abroad?

In China, while trying to decipher the convoluted nature of a new strain of disease, there was less information released than the world would have liked. But when the studies had started rolling out and the ugly face of Covid-19 was unveiled, the reporting and effectiveness of governance exceeded all expectations and set international precedents. In a country of nearly 1.45 billion people, 18.5 percent of the global population, fatal cases have been limited to 3.7 percent of the total international death toll (calculated from population and Covid-19 statistics taken from Worldometer on 10th April, 2020). Looking west, the information was already out for them to learn from. But were the Chinese methods followed?

Of crucial importance, far from enforcement, there were no recommendations to mask up in the UK or the USA, as was the recommendation in China.

My discussions with friends in the UK have received two main answers to my question “Do you have face masks?”. The first group of people would respond by saying they had but were perhaps anxious about wearing a mask outside due to fear of what others would think, say, or possibly do.

The second group responded saying they didn’t have any face masks because they were ineffective in protecting against the disease, including one lady who ran a childcare centre. It may seem obvious that the first group were people of East-Asian heritage or with East-Asian friendships. The second group were British and Australian (with no influence from Asia).

The issue appeared to be a difference in the levels of clarity provided by official health recommendations. An interesting example can be drawn from guidelines provided by the US Centre for Disease Control and Prevention, the CDC. Until this week, the CDC have continued to advocate that face masks are not useful for healthy individuals. In their guidance on “How to Protect Yourself”  (CDC, 2020) they explained “If you are NOT sick: You do not need to wear a facemask unless you are caring for someone who is sick (and they are not able to wear a face mask).”

However. two months before these guidelines were finally being “reconsidered”, Dr. Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute for Allergy and Infectious Diseases said, “There’s no doubt after reading this paper that asymptomatic transmission is occurring.” (CNN, 2020).

Ironically, a 2009 study was previously published by CDC (the very same official organisation that claimed face masks did not need to be worn) outlining that face masks were useful to protect against influenza (MacIntyre et al., 2009).

If proper guidelines and legislature were provided, if we listened to and learned from our Chinese friends who had the real stories to tell of Covid-19, could this have saved many from contracting the virus in the first place?

The April 2nd Bloomberg article accusing China of misrepresenting the numbers also complains about China’s “coverup” in late 2019. The question is, did China’s alleged “coverup” last longer than America’s delay in Covid-19 preventative measures? The US had weeks to prepare before their first fatal case at the end of February. We are now four months in and still, there is still a lack of clarity about universal face-mask usage.

As the public are still in a state of confusion about whether to cover up their faces or not, the Covid-19 coverup blame still spreads across the frontpage news.

 

 

China Concealed Extent of Virus Outbreak, U.S. Intelligence Says. (2020, April 1). Bloomberg.Com. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2020-04-01/china-concealed-extent-of-virus-outbreak-u-s-intelligence-says

CNN, E. C. and J. B. (n.d.). ‘There’s no doubt’: Top US infectious disease doctor says Wuhan coronavirus can spread even when people have no symptoms. CNN. Retrieved 6 April 2020, from https://www.cnn.com/2020/01/31/health/coronavirus-asymptomatic-spread-study/index.html

Coronavirus Update (Live): 1,318,229 Cases and 72,766 Deaths from COVID-19 Virus Outbreak—Worldometer. (n.d.). Retrieved 7 April 2020, from https://www.worldometers.info/coronavirus/

How to Protect Yourself | CDC. (2020, March 31). https://web.archive.org/web/20200331143006/https:/www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/prevent-getting-sick/prevention.html

MacIntyre, C. R., Cauchemez, S., Dwyer, D. E., Seale, H., Cheung, P., Browne, G., Fasher, M., Wood, J., Gao, Z., Booy, R., & Ferguson, N. (2009). Face Mask Use and Control of Respiratory Virus Transmission in Households. Emerging Infectious Diseases, 15(2), 233–241. https://doi.org/10.3201/eid1502.081167

 

Riding out the coronavirus epidemic in China’s capital, by Tamara Treichel

Tamara is a member of SACU who has already contributed a number of articles for China Eye on a variety of subjects. She has lived in Germany and the U.S. but is currently living in Beijing and working in the media industry there. Photographs accompanying this article are also by Tamara, taken recently in Beijing. 

When news broke of a mysterious virus causing respiratory illness said to have originated in Wuhan, I was about to enjoy several days off due to the Spring Festival holiday at home in Beijing. I vaguely remember Beijing having only two cases at the time. I was chatting with a Chinese coworker, deliberating whether I should return the movie tickets for the Spring Festival blockbusters my boyfriend and I had booked online.

“Nature has turned against us,” a Chinese coworker observed. I wasn’t so sure about that. “Nature is not for or against… it just is,” I mused. While nature I believed was ambivalent, I would discover that people’s attitudes towards the virus it had produced definitely weren’t!

There were bags of face masks stashed on an office desk and some coworkers were helping themselves. Some of my coworkers were already wearing masks in the office, and there was a sense of nervousness and hush. No one encouraged me to take any masks; but in retrospect, I think I should have been more proactive and asked to help myself. However, a Chinese coworker kindly offered me some from her bag, and I gratefully accepted.

Little did I know how valuable these face masks would be to me and my boyfriend Jackie in the coming weeks, as people made a run for the pharmacies to stock up on them. (Note: the usefulness of face masks in preventing the spread of the new virus, dubbed novel coronavirus, is controversial, but in China they are widely believed to be effective. Another issue is what types of masks work.) When I visited a pharmacy and convenience store, they were sold out and had no idea when new stock would come in. Searching for masks would become somewhat of a search for the Holy Grail for us in China.

 

Poster showing measures how to protect oneself from COVID-19

“Good afternoon my foreign friend… be a bit careful these days,” a Wechat message from a Chinese acquaintance read several days later. It was a security guard at my local Yonghegong subway station whom I was friendly with, and whenever I met her in the subway station, we would wave to each other. She would later ask me by text whether I knew where to buy masks – maybe she thought I had connections abroad? – but I was sorry to tell her I couldn’t help. I was relieved to see, however, that she later found a rather high-tech mask which she wore while working in the subway.

Things started to get bizarre as the virus spread during the Spring Festival. It turned out I didn’t have to worry about going to the movies as the theaters were promptly closed, as well as the Yonghegong Temple across the street, which attracts thousands on the first day of the lunar new year. Temple fairs were canceled.  My boyfriend and I spent the Spring Festival hunkered down in our hutong house, living off the food we had stockpiled for the festival, watching movies, and holding our breath with the rest of China.

 

Entrance to a hutong house in the Guozijian neighborhood, with posters of anti-COVID-19 measures on the walls

 

At the end of January, the U.S. embassy issued a level-four travel advisory for China, warning Americans not to travel to the country, and Americans in Wuhan were subsequently ferried out on evacuation flights, as were nationals of other countries. China’s neighbors started to close their borders. Flights out of China were starting to be suspended, and my mother asked me whether my boyfriend and I wanted to come spend several months with her in the U.S. until the virus had disappeared.

My gut reaction was to take her up on this offer, but the logistics of it were complicated. My boyfriend, who is Chinese, was highly unlikely to get a visa on such short notice, or at all under these circumstances. So I made the choice of riding out the epidemic with my boyfriend here in Beijing; after all, he wasn’t from Beijing, and leaving him stranded alone under these circumstances was not an option for me. “Thank you for sticking things out with me, I am very moved,” Jackie told me one morning, with tears in his eyes.

I read an article in the Beijinger magazine that stated that as of February 9, 70 percent of foreigners in Beijing chose to stay, either out of conviction that things would look up soon or because they simply couldn’t leave for various reasons. Some however did push the panic button and left, for example, I had an American acquaintance who scrambled to get on a flight back home because his mother was seriously ill and he didn’t know whether he would be able to see her again in the next couple of months. Upon landing, he put himself under a quarantine.

 

Fever check point at Guozijian with a blue tent for the volunteers conducting the checks

 

My Chinese and foreign coworkers became part of a successful “work from home experiment” that has been encouraged throughout China during the epidemic. I edited news stories from my home computer and communicated with my coworkers in a Wechat group of over forty people. Every day, I also sent a Wechat message to my office saying I was in good health. I felt very fortunate that I was not temporarily out of work like many others and that my employer was acting in a morally and socially responsible way by having us work from home to avoid the risk of infection.

Part of my job was keeping up with the news cycle. Every morning when I woke up, the latest numbers of infected and deceased flashed across my phone, and the media reports coming out of Wuhan and Hubei at large were harrowing. Especially poignant were the stories of healthcare workers infected in the line of duty, e.g. a 29-year-old doctor who was engaged to be married and died from COVID-19, the disease caused by the novel coronavirus. When my boyfriend and I were first exposed to such stories, we were shell-shocked as they were taking place not too far away, but gradually became used to the “new normal” of living in the  midst of an epidemic.

 

Guozijian Community Centre with a banner next to the entrance urging residents to wear face masks, wash hands, ventilate rooms and avoid gatherings

 

Misinformation and conflicting reports were rampant, and like many, I did not know whom to believe and which clickbait article to read next. Common sense was our best friend – practicing good hygiene, such as washing one’s hands, avoiding mass gatherings, trying to stay at home and sustaining one’s physical and mental health. Not giving in to irrational fear and hysteria but remaining vigilant. A sense of routine and interacting with others as part of the infinitely large cyberspace community also helped.

Compared to those in Hubei Province, we in Beijing have been very fortunate – we had access to goods we needed, could leave our apartments, move relatively freely, and could still run errands. However, everyday errands, like shopping or going to the ATM were fraught with complication – we had to pass through fever checks and barricades to get out of our buildings or hutongs, and show residence cards that our community center issued to us, and I was now nervous about the germs on the ATM keypad so I used a pen to put in my pass code.

Non-essential doctor’s and dentist visits were indefinitely postponed, as well as appointments with the hairdresser. I saw an elderly man on the street walking his poodle, which was also wearing a mask, a protective outfit and little slippers as there was uncertainty whether pets could also contract the virus.

 

A man walks his dog, which is also wearing a face mask, near the Yonghegong Lama Temple

 

Activities at home included emailing concerned friends abroad and assuring them of our safety, checking in with local friends, reading and writing, exercising in our small private courtyard, and engaging in home improvement.

We also interacted with my boyfriend’s family back in the Xi’an area as well as Chinese and foreign friends via Wechat. Not surprisingly, our bonds grew stronger during this difficult time. These are some of their reactions to the crisis.

When I called to check in on my Chinese landlord, who was in his 70’s, his voice was laced with fear. “Don’t go out,” he advised me. “Not now.”

One African friend who was a father to two teenage boys texted me: “Boys are stressed with staying at home and doing homework all day. I do not know how to cheer them up. They played all computer games and got tired of them.” He observed that one of his boys started to laugh hysterically after napping.

A Brazilian friend who lived alone was frustrated because the gym was closed, and he enjoyed socializing there. Even though he could work from home, he preferred going to the office and wearing a mask although it was hard to breathe in them long term. He was confident that the situation would soon return to normal. “We need to cling to that, otherwise we get crazy,” he said.

“We know nothing really about the virus,” an American friend who had lived in China for decades told me. He had been here during the SARS epidemic and was trying to power through this one by working on his creative projects. “True,” I thought. “But we know our own reality.” And this was it.

What was greatly concerning was that not only Chinese people around the world, but also foreigners associated with China were being stigmatized because of the virus. One acquaintance from Romania who was still in China and produced content for a local media outlet posted on Wechat that she had become the victim of online abuse from her country fellows by virtue of her relations with China, which she found distressing and demoralizing. I urged her to “ignore the bad and focus on the good,” but that was certainly easier said than done!

While the outbreak brought out the worst in people, it could bring out the best. Although I felt helpless and frustrated that there wasn’t a lot I could personally do to help, I was touched by the many people, Chinese and foreign, who had expressed their concern for us, and I tried to do my modest part to help boost morale. Here are two examples.

I have a young coworker who was originally from Wuhan, Hubei, the epicenter of the outbreak, and I made a point of checking in on him via Wechat several times to see how his family were doing back in Hubei. He said his family were safe, but isolated at home. He had spent the Spring Festival alone in Beijing because the virus had “killed” his travel plans of going home.

Similarly, I  tried to encourage a Chinese friend whose English name was Anna and who was under indefinite lockdown in the city of Yichang, Hubei. I was impressed by how stoic and appreciative she was. Anna told me that she bought a small piece of meat for  a whopping RMB 190 (about 27 U.S. dollars/21 GBP) but was understanding because the drivers’ efforts to deliver goods to the city posed  a health risk for them. When the drivers return from their run, she said, they would have to be quarantined for 14 days.

Without a question, it must be psychologically hard not to be able to leave one’s apartment except maybe once or twice a week to buy a limited selection of groceries at inflated prices. Still, for Anna and many of us in China, optimism prevailed. “With your encouragement, everything will be fine, you guys also take care of your health, we can do it together,” Anna texted me.

28 February 2020

 

Climate Change and China, by Walter Fung

Climate Change and China

by Walter Fung

This short article summarises the current policy of China on climate change and the environment and the steps being taken. It draws substantially on Barbara Finamore’s recent book, Will China Save the Planet? (Polity Press, 2018). In 1996, she founded the Natural Resources Defense Council’s China Program, the first clean energy programme to be launched in China by an international non-government organisation. I can recommend this book, packed with positive information together with extensive references and suggestions for further reading.

Contrary to popular Western public belief, China has always had a policy to protect the environment from the earliest days after opening up in 1978. Much has been achieved in limiting the effect on the environment, but China has also had extremely serious pressing problems to overcome: widespread poverty, building up the economy and creating jobs and health care. These issues are vitally important for national stability.

Economists in 2008 estimated that China needed growth of 8% to prevent unemployment rising in urban areas. China’s leaders focused on economic growth and poverty alleviation as the top priority, but this was to change in the second decade of the 21st century after significant economic progress had been made and 800 million people had been lifted out of poverty.

China’s early environmental achievements

In January 1999, New Scientist magazine published an article which began, ‘Remember- you read it here first’. The subtitle of the article was ‘Fred Pearce slays the myth of the Chinese carbon dragon’. The article reported that China is one of the few countries in a relatively early stage of industrialisation in which energy demand has grown significantly less than GDP. ‘China has cut its energy consumption per unit of output by 50% since 1980’. Remember this article was written in 1999.

 

A photograph taken in Xi’an during May 1983. The Chinese writing says, ‘Protect the environment’ (WF)

 

China’s National Assessment Report on Climate Change in 2006 detailed the threat to coastal cities and other consequences of global warming and in 2007 China published its National Climate Change Programme. This was the first document of its kind by a developing country. It listed what China had done over many years, including the central government order in the summer of 2004 to 24 provinces to slash their power consumption.

A document of 2007 solicited public opinion on a draft law to regulate air conditioning and central heating in public buildings. The law would require room temperature in summer to be no lower than 26 degrees centigrade, and no higher than 20 degrees in winter. These proposed regulations were to reduce energy consumption. The new regulation also promoted the use of renewable energy and proposed to ban the use and import of energy inefficient materials, techniques and facilities.

The Biosani organisation in 2007 issued a publication, Green China 2007-2008’, which detailed sustainable and green projects.

The Three Gorges Dam and other hydro-electric projects form part of the plan for clean energy. This dam generates energy – the equivalent of 18 nuclear power stations as well as providing flood control and vastly improved river navigation facilitating development of the interior and south-western China.

In September 2010, China topped the Ernst Young Renewable Energy Attractiveness Index. In the previous year, one half of all wind power turbines had been set up in China. The UN Environmental Programme reported that more than one third of all global investment in renewable energy was Chinese in 2010.

International agreements

In 2009 at Copenhagen, China would not accept binding international limits on its greenhouse gas emissions because this would restrict economic growth and hence threaten national sovereignty and stability. China’s view was that it had already made a significant contribution.

Before the Copenhagen talks, China had already pledged to increase its proportion of non-fossil fuels i.e. hydropower, nuclear power, wind and solar power, to about 15% of its total energy mix by 2020.  In addition, China’s carbon intensity emissions (defined as emissions per unit of GDP) would be reduced by 40-45% below 2005 levels by 2020. China holds the view that developed and developing countries have common but differential responsibilities. Other developing countries, notably India also hold this view, but this is an issue that the US will not entertain.

Before the Paris agreement in December 2015, President Obama visited Beijing and the climate was discussed. The two countries issued a joint statement; they would work together on environmental issues. The US would reduce GHG (greenhouse gas emissions) by 26-28% by 2025, compared to 2005 levels and China committed to peak its emissions around 2030. At Paris, China reaffirmed its commitment to peak emission by 2025, but added, it would make try to increase the mix of non-fossil energy to 20% by 2030. It would also reduce its carbon intensity by 60-65% below 2005 levels by 2030 and also expand forest cover. Recently President Trump has indicated that the US may pull out of these agreements.

Change of priority

These Climate Change agreements coincided with a change of priority in China’s development. It was decided that the focus on GDP growth was no longer the way forward for China’s citizens; 800 million people had already been lifted out of poverty. Although China’s environmental laws and policies had been strengthened by President Hu Jintao, the new president, Xi Jinping in November 2012, stressed that China’s future prosperity depended on a more balanced economic model that also protected the environment and people’s health, i.e. ‘ecological civilisation’. This formed part of a programme to move away from fossil-fuel driven heavy industry and manufacturing to one based on services, innovation, higher quality goods, clean energy and environmental sustainability.

A lower level of GDP growth, around 6.5%, would become the ‘new normal’; GDP growth would no longer be the most important factor in assessing an official’s performance. In its place, environmental performance would be the primary criterion for promotion decisions.

Focus on pollution control

At the beginning of 2013, the Chinese government began to release hourly air pollution data to the public, for more than 70 Chinese cities. Most failed to meet national pollution standards. The monitoring was later extended to the 338 largest cities. Public awareness and concern soared and at the end of September 2013, the central government pledged 1.7 trillion yuan to clean the air.

Cleaning up pollution had become a top priority and an integral goal of the new economic development model and in November 2013, a National Strategy for Climate Change adaptation was published. This set out guidelines, targets and actions to protect water and soil resources and reduce climate impacts on agriculture. The report also called for steps to prevent and monitor rising sea levels for early warning systems at coastal cities and construction of seawalls and other flood control systems.

Public concern had grown and a survey in 2012 and again in 2017 showed that people understood and accepted that Climate Change was being caused by human activity. They believed that the government should take the lead to combat Climate Change, but citizens were willing to take action on their own and nearly 75% said they would be willing to pay more for climate friendly products.

Clean energy development and Climate Change

The main cause of air pollution and Climate Change is the burning of fossil fuels, the main culprit being coal burning. The development of clean energy and control of emissions had become not only in China’s national interest, but in all other countries’ as well. Xi Jinping has promised to help other developing countries both with technical and financial support and a 20-billion-yuan fund has been established.

Coal-fired power plants still generate a significant amount of electrify but are now subject to stringent requirements to improve efficiency and more energy output per unit of coal burnt. In 2014, ultra-low emissions standards were introduced, requiring them to be as low polluting as natural gas power plants. Those units not able to meet the regulations were to be closed. Those that do meet the standards would pay reduced tariffs.

Beijing has invested billions of yuan to reduce its reliance on coal. All heating and power facilities in the city have been converted from coal to natural gas; the last coal plant closed in March 2017. But the capital remains polluted because of its proximity to Hubei province which has huge glass, cement and aluminium factories.

Tree planting had always been encouraged in New China and by 2009, 18% of China’s land area had forest coverage. This coverage will increase to 23% by the year, 2020. Soldiers have been assigned to tree planting to meet this target.

China is the leading producer of wind turbines and solar energy panels. The price of these items worldwide has been reduced by the economics of scale of production in China. The 12th Five-Year plan (2011-15) designated the production of energy from solar and wind sources as ‘strategic industries’. Targets, timetables and policy measures were implemented together with financial grants and incentives.

As early as 2001, China made the development of new energy vehicles (NEV) a priority in its 10th Five-Year Plan (2001-05) and in 2010, NEVs were designated a strategic emerging industry. Accordingly, the government granted $10 billion over 10 years to the leading automotive and battery manufacturers for the development of electric cars. About 140 Chinese companies make 66% of all lithium batteries in the world. The US share is about 10%. As with wind turbines and solar panels, the volume of production in China, has brought down the price of lithium batteries. In March 2018. China launched an EV battery recycling programme.

China also grants subsidies for the purchase of NEVs and they are exempt from purchase tax. In some cases, subsidies total $16,000 per vehicle. Beijing plans to replace all its 69,000 taxis with EVs. Didi Chuxing, the leading ride-hailing service in China plans to spend $150 million on a nationwide charging service and expand its fleet of EVs to one million by 2020.

China is now the leading producer of EVs together with charging facilities. There are now more charging points in Beijing alone than the whole of Germany. In 2017, more than 605,000 passenger NEVs were sold in China, nearly half the world’s total, plus 198,000 commercial NEVs, mainly electric. China is home to 99% of the world’s total of 385,000 electric buses. Every five weeks, China’s cities convert the equivalent of London’s entire bus fleet.  There are plans to ban petrol cars by as early as 2030.

President Xi, in a keynote speech at the Belt and Road (BRI) Forum, on 14 May 2017, stressed that China would uphold the concept of green development: low carbon, recyclability and sustainable lifestyle. China would play its part to achieve the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. The BRI would be used to accelerate the use of low carbon techniques in the countries involved. A report from the Grantham Research Institute of the LSE, (March 2016) indicates that China, itself, may well attain the goal of peaking its carbon emissions several years ahead of schedule.

Barbara Finamore
Will China Save the Planet?
Polity Press, 2018
ISBN 978-1509532636 (Hardback)
ISBN 978-1509532643 (Paperback)

 

Walter Fung, November 2019

 

China and the West: meeting at the crossroads of world history

A book review by Dirk Nimmegeers. 

Dirk is a member the Belgium-China Friendship Association and also of SACU. He edits the website ChinaSquare.be a Dutch language website which covers news and comments on developments in China. 

Peter Nolan realizes the danger of a lengthy and fierce battle between the West and China, which may cause enormous material and human damage. One way to avoid that disaster is to ensure that China and the West get to know and understand each other better.

According to the authoritative Cambridge professor, many Chinese, and certainly the prominent persons among them, know more about Western history and current events than Westerners know or want to know about China. Nolan hopes to change that.

Two civilizations
China and the West: Crossroads of Civilisation consists of three parts. First Nolan compares the routes that the West and China have travelled in the last 3000 years. He then explains that capitalist globalization is a two-edged sword, with both very reasonable and extremely unreasonable elements. The last and by far the largest part of the book deals with the Communist Party of China, its role and how it views parliamentary democracy. According to Nolan, many differences between the West and China go back to what he calls the Ancien Régime. During that era prior to the revolution, which ended in Europe with the 18th century, in China with the 19th century, those two great civilizations had a totally divergent, almost opposite character.

Two evolutions
The author perceives long periods in which they become similar and grow together. Those eras are interspersed with centuries in which both were evolving in a completely different way and getting alienated from each other. In every age, various ways of thinking and acting were formed in the two regions and that has continued to the current date. Nolan discusses the fields that matter in the relationship between the two entities. He gives his views on their ideas concerning the following topics: unity or division, politics, expansion, balance between sections of the population and ethnic communities, religion, militarism, innovation, nationalism and communism. The way China looks at the West today is largely determined by what the Chinese know and have experienced from Europe and the United States over the course of history. Much of this is still seen to exist, shaping Chinese perceptions today. For instance, the inclination of the West to use violence for serving its interests and to impose its values on other continents.

Division & conflict vs. Unity & harmony
After centuries in which the Roman Empire and the Chinese Empire had been growing into vast unified universes, the former disintegrated while the latter remained largely united and stable. In Europe and in the large parts of the world that it took over, murderous internal and external confrontations often prevailed. The latter include hundreds of years of territorial expansion and looting – colonialism – which have resulted in bloody wars against independence movements and neo-colonialism. In China, soldiers, such as the ones we are familiar with from the terracotta army, played only a marginal role after the Han Dynasty (ended in 220 of our era). They fell primarily under the authority of the civil service, just like the People’s Army today obeys the CPC.

According to the author, the Chinese view the conflictual course of the West with a mixture of wonder, disgust and a certain anxiety. For centuries, China had a strong appetite for hierarchy, stability, but especially for harmony. These differences explain the current geopolitical contradiction between the leading nations of the West and China: zero-sum versus positive-sum, also called win-win.

Market and bureaucracy
For centuries, and many readers may be surprised at this, another constant in China was the role of market which was regulated by the state. The market ensured economic development and prosperity for large sections of the population. The Confucian civil servants were selected for merit and for the will to serve the interests of the population. Harmony here too: the balance between the market with its healthy (energizing) competition and regulation by the state apparatus, intended to curb excesses of the market. Harmony and dynamic competition did not exclude each other, but rather complemented each other.

Maoist interlude
The hostility to the market among the Maoists and their unilateral emphasis on ideology, on the one hand promoting revolutionary violence and on the other hand displaying a strong aversion to all competition, belonged to a variant of communism, according to Nolan. This was partly prescribed by the Soviet Union, but it was also a reaction against the equally ideologically inspired and violent anti-communism of the West and its allies. During the anti-Japanese resistance and the civil war, Maoism co-existed in the CPC with a tendency that was more focused on improving living conditions. At the same time, the struggle between these two lines flared up regularly.

According to Professor Nolan, Maoism has in fact been determining policy for only two decades. After 1976, the CPC slowly but surely returned to the kind of marriage of convenience between the market and the state that had been typical of Confucian China. Deng Xiaoping and his successors have successfully combined that Confucianism (and other age-old philosophical movements such as Daoism) with their own Chinese brand of Marxism. They have returned to the two-thousand-year-old Chinese road after a “deviation”.

Nolan’s Marxism
That provides food for thought and perhaps for discussion, as does Nolan’s definition of Marxism. The author states that Lenin, Mao and their followers have interpreted Marxism in a selective manner. In a similarly reductive way however, he strongly focuses on Marx’s admiration for the dynamic forces of capitalism. That would even have led Marx to an approval of colonialism, which, after all, ‘would accelerate capitalist development’. Nolan believes he finds the best analysis of Marx’s thinking in the work of Shlomo Avineri. This political scientist believes that Marx saw the communist revolution as a long-term evolutionary process. Understandably the importance that modern-day Chinese Communists attach to class struggle and their suppression of movements that undermine socialism receive rather little attention in Nolan’s book.

New insights and knowledge that has grown dim
The knowledge that Nolan passes on about Confucian harmony, the military domain, the market and bureaucracy in pre-20th century China may enable us to recognize and understand developments in today’s China. These insights will be new to many readers in the West and it is possible that they open eyes to a different view of the country.

However, the author not only provides new insights. He also refreshes old knowledge or points to phenomena that we have grown to take for granted. So that we no longer see how exceptional they are, or must be for the Chinese. The fact that Christianity has dominated the entire European culture from the end of the Roman Empire until well into the 20th century for example. China has not seen a comparable influence and power of religion. The Chinese admire the art treasures this has produced, but fear that other product of religious zeal, the urge to convert. This is something that they detect in the Western pursuit of regime change in other countries.

Parliamentarism
Nolan acknowledges that in European history not all was sorrow and misery. After the Renaissance, the West successfully caught up with China in the technological field until it got abreast of China in 1800, albeit often by adapting original inventions. Nolan also applauds the long undeniable progress from feudalism to parliamentary democracy, noting that the latter is also a very young system in the West, just like the phenomenon of the European nation states is. The author informs us that Chinese leaders and citizens study parliamentarism thoroughly and are affected by its influence, even to a certain extent welcoming it. He then, however, convincingly explains that the doubts of many Chinese people about the suitability of that kind of democracy for their own country are certainly legitimate. A majority of Chinese people still prefer meritocratic bureaucracy over a fully-fledged multi-party system. Because according to them, the current system is more suitable for a country with the size, history and degree of development of China. Moreover, the power of the CPC and the system of government control also offer the best guarantee that politicians and officials will strive at serving the people.

Knowledge or caricature
Peter Nolan recognizes that we live in dangerous times. “If the West and China are unable to cooperate, the outcome will be a disaster for the whole human race. This is a choice of no choice (mei you xuanze de xuanze)”, he says in the introduction. China has changed but Westerners refuse to see it, either because they fear China’s growing economic and military power or out of ideological aversion. We should not be surprised that China is disappointed by the caricatures that cynical and suspicious Westerners make of their political system and policies.

Nolan’s motivation
China fears that Western politicians are preparing the minds of the population for war and are thus heading for a self-fulfilling prophecy. That gives Peter Nolan a sense of urgency motivating him to share with his audience and readers his phenomenal knowledge of China and its relationship with the West. He has experienced for years that in China there is a great interest for his ideas and opinions. With the book China and the West: Crossroads of Civilisation, that will be no different. Hopefully his message will reach a large audience in the West as well.

 

China and the West: Crossroads of Civilisation by Peter Nolan
Routledge, Published 12 October 2018
278 Pages

ISBN 9781138331884 (paperback)
Series: Routledge Studies on the Chinese Economy
Hardback and e-Book also available

 

Peter Nolan

China’s Path: Four Decades of Opening up and how it Challenges our Preconceptions

Tom Harper is a SACU member and joined SACU Council in September 2019. He is a doctoral researcher at Neijiang Normal University. He specialises in China’s foreign relations and has written on this subject for several publications. This is his first for China Eye, published in Issue 63, Autumn 2019. 

 

Over the course of the 20th and 21st centuries, few nations have had as great a reversal in status as China has had, going from an isolated quasi-feudal empire seemingly frozen in time to one of the Great Powers of the modern day complete with cities that are as modern if not more so than many First World capitals. This comes with the 40th anniversary of China’s opening up to the world under Deng Xiaoping’s leadership, who has gone down as one of the significant leaders of the 20th century and Deng’s vision for China will continue to have an impact on global life today.

 

One of the testaments to this has been in Xi’an, which I had the fortune to visit in 2017. The city saw China’s past and present paths blend together, with the tombs and palaces of emperors long departed standing almost side by side with structures from the modern day. One wondered what Emperor Qin, one of the founders of the Chinese nation, would have made of his new kingdom. This blend has also made itself apparent in the frequent references to the Silk Roads of old which once began in Xi’an, with the city being one of the focal points of China’s ambition to craft a latter day Silk Road in the form of the Belt and the Road Initiative, which renders China as a truly global power rather than the hermit nation it has often been cast as and is a demonstration of how far China has come since 1979.

 

Silk Road Museum Xi’an (TH)

 

As with any major global development, China’s ascent has been a challenge to the common assumptions and myths we have regarding China. In addition, China’s development has also been perceived as an example for other states to follow for their development, seemingly following China’s traditional role of leading by example.

 

China’s current status can be attributed to the defeats suffered by the Qing dynasty at the hands of the European powers, most notably in the First Opium War of 1839. This was often claimed to be a result of China seemingly falling behind the Western world, most notably in the perception that China was unwilling or unable to industrialise in the way that the European powers had done. As a result, this raised the question of how China should modernise with the once dominant Confucian system seemingly losing its appeal in favour of Western ideals, a development that would be furthered by the downfall of the Qing dynasty in the Xinhai revolution of 1911. It was the question of how to modernise China to regain its former status, a quest pursued by Sun Yat-Sen, the father of modern China, that has been the starting point for the path that we see today in the form of China’s ideological and economic development.

 

The roots of China’s development, which has seen it become the world’s second largest economy a decade ago, overtaking Japan and often projected to overtake the United States in the near future, has often been traced to the economic reforms and opening up of China in 1979. This saw the abandonment of the pursuit of the communist ideology that had been the guiding force of the Mao era in favour of the pursuit of economic development, which continues to underpin China’s relationship with the wider world today.

 

With the opening up of China, it became the world’s workshop, a title once held by the United Kingdom at the height of its power during the Industrial Revolution of the 18th and 19th centuries. This also saw the rise of the moniker ‘made in China’ which has been synonymous with cheaply produced, low-quality goods that litter everyday life. It is also this image of China as the world’s low-cost factory that would be challenged in the later phases of China’s development as it sought to conceive its own designs rather than building those of others.

 

What has been most notable about China’s development has been in its speed, which has been likened to the Industrial and ICT Revolutions happening simultaneously and in half the time period, as described by the former Australian prime minister, Kevin Rudd. This has also seen what had once been little more than dirt roads give way to sleek infrastructure that puts many First World nations to shame. In addition, China’s experiences of development have also been an inspiration to the developing world, which has been expressed through the China Model.

 

The Chinese model of economic development, known as the ‘Beijing Consensus’, has been one of the tools behind China’s rapid development and one of the most successful aspects of China’s soft power push. This has seen the elites of the developing world, such as Pakistan’s Imran Khan, become staunch advocates of the China model, as demonstrated by his pledge to bring this model to Pakistan during his electoral campaign. It is this aspect that has demonstrated China’s appeal to the developing world.

 

China’s model follows the precedent set by Japan’s modernisation during the Meiji Restoration of the mid-19th century and its post-war economic development. It also utilised what Ho Kwon-Ping termed as ‘Neo-Confucian State Capitalism’ pioneered by Singapore, which has also been praised by British politicians who misinterpreted the country as a nirvana of free-market capitalism. This came at a time where China’s identity shifted towards a more Confucian vision rather than the ideological project of the 20th century. While the Chinese model has been part of China’s appeal, it has also challenged the common images of China, most notably the perception that China’s development was solely due to outside help and that it was based upon a Western model, which has been raised by the image of China’s development as a Frankenstein’s monster created by Western investors and economists.  Such an image often overlooks the nature of the Chinese model as well as the role that the Chinese themselves have played in the country’s development.

 

The latest phase of China’s development has highlighted its technological advances, which can be characterised as going from ‘Made in China’ to ‘Designed in China’, a move that has been epitomised by China’s telecommunications flagship, Huawei.  As with much of China’s development, this challenges many of the common myths about China, most notably the assumption that it can only manufacture goods that have been conceived elsewhere and that China is either incapable of innovation or can only do so through imitation. Such an image overlooks China’s tradition of innovation, with inventions such as gunpowder and paper money continuing to play important roles in everyday life as well as how China has been able to make its advances in high technology.

 

China’s advances in technology can also be attributed to its long-term strategies and its Confucian embrace of education. At many British universities, this can be seen in the flood of Chinese students eager to study in the UK, with applications from China recently eclipsing those from Northern Ireland to become the largest contingent of foreign students studying in the UK. This will further the educational exchange between China and the UK as well as offering a glimpse of what is to come. This was clear in the China Bridge competition in London this year, where Chinese universities sought to recruit the future of Britain as well as challenging the assumption that the British have no aptitude for foreign languages, with students across the country giving speeches in fluent Mandarin. It is this event that shows how the Sino-British educational exchanges offer a window into the future of their relationship.

 

As a result, China has moved away from what the influential Slovenian philosopher, Slavoj Zizek, termed as ‘Foxconn China’ to a state where Chinese firms have become an equal to their Western counterparts in numerous fields and has even surpassed them in others, most notably in 5G technology, with Huawei being identified by British Telecomm as the global leader in this technology. While this challenges the image of China being incapable of innovation, it also questions the belief that the Western world will always hold the technological advantage, an assumption that seems increasingly tenuous today.  As a result, it is likely that China’s innovations today will play a role in shaping life just as its previous innovations had done.

 

China’s experiences of economic development have demonstrated how far the country has come as well as setting an example to inspire other nations in the developing world. In addition, it has challenged many of the common assumptions about China as well as seeing it become one of the major powers of the modern day, which will play a greater role in shaping the future of the world.

 

Tom Harper, November 2019

The Story of China with Professor Michael Wood

We were delighted that Professor Michael Wood could join us on Friday 15 March to talk on ‘The Story of China’. Illustrated with film clips, Michael reflected on some of the themes in his recent highly-praised series on Chinese history. He also gave us a preview of his forthcoming film on the 40th anniversary of Deng’s Reform and Opening up.

SACU is grateful to EY (Ernst & Young) for their generous support of this event at their prestigious offices in Canary Wharf.

The film team from China Minutes interviewed Michael just before his talk:-

Here is a short introduction on Facebook (3 minutes):

https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=2055636974734094

See the full interview on YouTube (23 minutes):

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dtW71bR_J6k

The UK Chinese Community

Walter Fung gives a survey of the Chinese communities in the UK. The article first appeared in SACU's China Eye magazine in 2008.

Walter Fung was born in Liverpool of Chinese parents and grew up in his father's laundry. He is now retired after working for 35 years in the textile industry and is a member of SACU council as magazine editor.

This subject is more complex than its simple title would suggest. The Chinese community comprises a variety of people from different places who came to the UK at different times, for different reasons, from different backgrounds and with different standards of education. It is far from being a homogeneous group. They may have originated from the Chinese mainland, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore, Viet Nam, Malaysia, or even the West Indies and a growing number will have been born here. Each will have their own story to tell of their background, their life experiences in the UK, how they have been received by the host community and how they interact with that community. Like all communities, the UK Chinese community is in a state of constant flux with new people arriving almost daily, older people getting older and younger people growing up, marrying and new generations being born.

Census returns for England and Wales show the following figures; 387 persons in 1901, 1,319 in 1911, 2,419 in 1921, 1,934 in 1931, 19,396 in 1951, 38,750 in 1961, 96,030 in 1971, 154,363 in 1981, 159,936 in 1991 and 247,403 in 2001. The Chinese population in 2008 is thought to be as high as 500,000 with the main centres being London (about 33%), the South East (about 14%) and the North West (about 11%).

Early Arrivals

The first Chinese settlers were mainly Cantonese from south China although there were some from Shanghai. Many were seamen who had sailed out of Chinese ports such as Hong Kong and Shanghai on British ships and stayed whilst others came as passengers. The ships belonging to Alfred Holt and Company based at Liverpool, better known as the Blue Funnel Line, had a technical advantage over their competitors until the opening of the Suez Canal. They settled in seaports, notably Liverpool, London and Cardiff in the early 1900s. Indeed Liverpool claims to have the oldest Chinatown in Europe.

Nearly all were young men who came on their own. If they were already married, they left their wives and children in China although a few did bring children, nearly all of them boys. Many did not come to the UK with the intention of permanently settling here. Similar to earlier migrants to San Francisco, known as the 'Gold Mountain' (gum san) they came as family representatives to make money to send home to China. The dream was to eventually return home rich to their home town, to their ancestral village, to 'hieng ha'. Maybe some of those who stayed did not want to go home until they had made their fortune. The belief was that that it was easy to make money overseas and even in 2008, this view is still widely held in certain parts of China.

Chinese are of course found in many different parts of the world. After the abolition of the slave trade in the early 1800s, there was a shortage of cheap labour worldwide and Chinese helped to fill this gap. For example, they worked on the railways in the USA, as contract labourers in Peru and in the sugar plantations in the West Indies. During the middle of the 19th Century in China, the Qing Dynasty was in decline and in many areas, law and order had broken down.

There was banditry, civil disorder, local feuds and famine to contend with as well as other problems brought on by severe demands on the land because of overpopulation. This 'push-pull' situation drove young men and others abroad to make a better living. The money they sent home was in sufficient quantity that it became an important component of the Chinese economy. Even today, remittances to China from Chinese people throughout the world amounts to 1% of the GDP of China (2006 figures).

The early migrants opened laundries notably in Liverpool, London and Cardiff, but also in other cities such as in Manchester, Newcastle upon Tyne, Sheffield and York. Restaurants and take away food shops did not begin to become widespread until the late 1950s. There were 27 Chinese laundries in England and Wales in 1901, 351 by 1911 and 547 by 1921. Many of the arrivals in the early 1900s were from the 'four counties' (See Yep) area of southern Guangdong province, especially the county of Toisan. Evidence for this can be seen in the old part of the Chinese section of Anfield cemetery in Liverpool - but you must be able to read Chinese.

The four counties are Toisan, Sunwei, Yanping and Hoiping in Cantonese dialect. A common error is to mistake these four counties for villages. Names in 'pin yin', the official Romanisation of the Mandarin dialect, are Taishan, Xinhui, Enping and Kaiping respectively. There are 'See Yep' Associations in many cities of the world, such as Liverpool, Honolulu, San Francisco, New York and Calgary where early migrants from these four counties settled. Chinese from Guangdong province are of course Cantonese speaking, but there are many sub-dialects of Cantonese. Native Hong Kong Chinese speak a different dialect of Cantonese from those from the See Yep counties. In addition some UK Chinese speak the Hakka dialect. The Hakkas are a distinctive group of mainstream Chinese who migrated into southern areas of China, notably during the nineteenth century from other parts of China.

The early UK Chinese communities comprised few Chinese women e.g. the census for England and Wales of 1911 shows, 1,232 Chinese males, but only 87 Chinese females. The figures for 1921 are 2,157 men and 262 women. Many Chinese men married British women whilst others remained single, possibly supporting a wife and family back home in China. Some must have eventually returned to China or moved on, maybe to the USA or Canada.

However, a whole, generation of children with Chinese fathers and British mothers grew up. Some writers have described the early 'Chinatowns' as more like 'Eurasiatowns'. Some of the children grew up more 'British than Chinese' probably because they were brought up more by their British mother than their Chinese father, who worked very long hours in his laundry. In families where the father was a seaman and spent much of his time away, the mother almost certainly would have had the most influence on the children's upbringing. The children would have had an experience and outlook different from children in the host community. This is an area of British social history of which little is known and of course is perpetuated in successive generations of mixed marriages.

Some Chinese men who remained unmarried were buried in unmarked graves when they died, and sadly, will remain forgotten. There are however, two monuments dedicated to all Chinese that have died in Great Britain in Liverpool's Chinese sections of Anfield and Everton cemeteries. Twice a year, at Qing Ming ('Tomb sweeping' in April) and Chong Yang (September/October), Chinese community associations, such as the See Yep Association and the Chinese Freemasons, place fresh flowers on all graves and hold short remembrance ceremonies.

Chinese Seamen in World War 2

During the Second World War, as many as 20,000 thousand Chinese seamen were stationed in Liverpool. Many were from Shanghai, others were Cantonese. They served in the British merchant navy and many lost their lives during the conflict. Their rates of pay were a third of that paid to British seamen. At the end of the war, as many as 1,362 were forcibly repatriated. Records show that about 300 of these men had married British women and supported families. They were thus qualified to stay in Britain and their repatriation was in fact illegal. Many were effectively forced out by not being informed that they were qualified to stay, not allowed jobs on shore and given only a one-way tour of duty back to China.

Some were sent back without the knowledge of their wives, who believed they had been deserted. Possible up to 1,000 children were left fatherless but the actual number is unknown. Some of the women left behind remarried to give their children security, others, gave up their children for adoption. Only recently did this episode become widely known and acknowledged publicly by the authorities. A plaque was placed to the memory of these Chinese seamen at Liverpool Pier Head on 23 January 2006. But some of their children who were adopted, and their descendants, may not even be aware of their Chinese roots.

The 'Second Wave'

The overall population of permanent Chinese residents in the UK did not change substantially until after the Second World War. It is believed that the Liverpool Chinese community until the late 1940s largely consisted of about 70 families who all knew each other - or knew of each other. The UK Chinese community continued to operate laundries until the early 1950s and then the world began to change. The advent of synthetic fibres, launderettes and home washing machines effectively killed off the laundries and many families opened restaurants and take away food shops.

The popularity and rapid growth of Chinese restaurants led to staff vacancies that were filled by Hong Kong Chinese many of whom came specifically for this purpose. This coincided with problems in farming, especially in the New Territories of Hong Kong and also the uncertain political situation in Asia. Many Chinese wanted to leave Hong Kong for better security. The Hong Kong Chinese began to come in large numbers during the early 1960s. There was some initial minor friction between them, the new arrivals, and the longer established existing Chinese community who were mainly from the 'four counties' area. In fact some of the Hong Kong Chinese were not originally natives of Hong Kong. They had entered the crown colony from the mainland after the 1949 Chinese revolution.

Many of the restaurant workers, once they had learnt the trade, moved to a different part of the country to open up their own business. Each take away food shop requires its own individual catchment area. There now may well be 10,000 Chinese take-away food shops in the UK in virtually every town or sizable village. This shows the Chinese preference for private enterprise and it also provides the opportunity for a family working together to run a small business. The children help in the work, in a similar way to their laundry predecessors. The shop premises also provide living accommodation. If necessary, the family setting up the new business would be helped financially by the extended family or by friends from perhaps the same ancestral village. The Chinese community thus differs form other ethnic groups in that they are widely scattered around the country. The families come together usually on Sunday afternoons to 'drink tea' (yum char), gossip and shop in the Chinatowns of the big cities. Surveys show that by 1985, 90% of the UK Chinese community was engaged in the catering industry.

Until the late 1960s, there were only two Chinatowns in the UK, in London and in Liverpool. Manchester's Chinatown, now probably the second largest after London, began to grow in the early 1970s and by 1987 was large enough to erect a Chinese arch, which at the time was proclaimed the largest outside of Asia. Liverpool erected a significantly larger Chinese arch in 2000-much to the annoyance of Manchester! The rivalry between these cities is not confined to football! There are now sizeable Chinatowns in Birmingham and Newcastle on Tyne.

The 'Third Wave'

From 1980 onward, following the end of the Cultural Revolution and the opening up of China by Deng Xiaoping, professional people, students, university lecturers and doctors have come to the UK from the Chinese mainland. Chinese from different origins do not socialise together as much as might be expected. Hong Kong Chinese are Cantonese speakers, whilst mainlanders speak Mandarin and this does not help. Some mainlanders say that Hong Kong Chinese are unfriendly towards them and vice versa.

The Vietnamese community also began to arrive at about this time. Many fled or were expelled from Vietnam between 1976 and 1989, some as the 'boat people.' They are mainly (60-70%) ethnic Chinese and many can speak Chinese.

Some of the newest arrivals from China in the 21st century are from Fujian province and their native dialect is Hokkien which is very different from Cantonese, but being from the Chinese mainland, they can also speak Mandarin. A number of Chinese originating from Fujian province and speaking Hokkien arrived in the UK from Malaysia and Singapore in the 'Second Wave'.

The composition of the UK Chinese Community of 2008 is therefore very different from that of say, 1980. Until about 1990, the Mandarin dialect of Chinese was hardly heard in the UK. Most people thought that Cantonese Chinese was Chinese. In 2008, Mandarin is heard as much as Cantonese in the streets of say, London or Manchester even though most of the catering businesses are still run by the Cantonese.

The number of Chinese students grew quite substantially during the early part of the 21st Century from about 20,000 in 2001 to maybe 70,000 by 2006. There seems to have been a reduction in the intake within the last two years or so, which has been attributed to the higher fees of British universities and also because of the expansion of universities in China. Chinese students value their education in British universities and also their time spent in the UK. However, a certain number have complained of racial harassment and high visa extension fees. In addition to university students there are large numbers of Chinese children at British public schools. Some public schools are only economically viable because of the Chinese children.

Social Issues

During the 1980s the British Government became concerned that the Chinese and other ethnic groups were not represented in the public services, the armed forces or the police in proportion to their size in the community. The Chinese had been recognised as the third largest visible ethnic group who were contributing to the wealth of Britain by working hard and paying taxes. The government was also concerned that many Chinese were not making use of the social services and health programmes to which they were entitled.

Their views were not being heard and their needs not being addressed, especially the needs of Chinese women, many of whom felt isolated especially if they could not speak English. They had to contend with these problems in addition to the dislocation, culture shock and nostalgia of their former homes half way across the world. This led to the setting up of self-help womens' associations such as Wai Yin in Manchester in 1988 by community minded Chinese women. They felt that Chinese women were being discriminated against both by British society and even by their own community and families. They sought to support and assist Chinese women and their families in need and to help Chinese women build up a positive self-image and also help them gain access to information and community resources, especially medical issues.

There are now many other Chinese community associations particularly in the large cities including Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds, Leicester, Nottingham and several London boroughs. These associations provide facilities for Chinese children to learn traditional Chinese arts such as paper cutting and kite and lantern making. Other activities include care of the elderly as well as social and leisure needs. These associations also promote cultural exchanges and organise Chinese language classes for British born Chinese children and English classes for new arrivals. Low cost housing and accommodation for families on low incomes and the elderly are provided by Chinese housing associations such as Tung Sing in Manchester. In the larger cities there are Chinese business associations to help small businessmen and to promote contacts with Chinese companies. However it has been commented that at present none of the many British Chinese businesses, unlike some Indian businesses, has yet made the transition into the big league or become a Plc.

Many Chinese by their 'Chineseness' and Confucian background are uncomplaining and generally avoid publicity and any form of contact with officialdom. They prefer to keep their heads down and get on with their business. The Cantonese in particular are renowned for their aptitude for business. In fact the Cantonese greeting at Chinese New Year, 'gung he fat choy' translates as 'greetings-may you make plenty of money'.

The Chinese are seen as clinging to their cultural heritage and not wishing to assimilate into mainstream British society. A 2006 survey, estimated that about 30% of British Chinese were not on the electoral register, compared to 6% for whites and 17% for all ethnic minorities. The Chinese have been nicknamed, 'the silent minority', but this seems to be slowly changing to a certain extent as will become clear later in this section. The Chinese are regarded as being law abiding and hard working and this is in line with their Confucian culture and nature. It has been said (Runnymead Research Report, 1986) that, 'The Chinese are not especially interested in influencing other people neither do they readily accept non-Chinese influences on themselves. They have a sense of identity which is absolutely confident but is in no way aggressive.'

However being stereotyped as 'inscrutable' and being identified with comic and sometimes derogatory figures such as Fu Manchu, Charlie Chan, the 'yellow peril', and Triad gangsters is irritating to Chinese people. To be fair, most British educated people know of the richness of Chinese culture spanning 5,000 or more years and it is not just confined to Chinese cooking, Kung Fu and Feng Shui. Acupuncture, once ridiculed, is now an accepted form of alternative medicine. There is growing recognition of the effectiveness of Chinese herbal medicine, and other forms of traditional Chinese medicine. There are now Chinese herbal shops in high streets and shopping malls.

Within the last decade, Chinese people do seem to be making themselves heard more and do seem to be making more of an effort to play a part in the community. This has in part been encouraged by government. The first Chinese Peer, Lord Michael Chan of Oxton was appointed in 2001 and in the same year, a Chinese Civil Rights Action group (The Monitoring Group Min Quan) was established. This group has successfully defended people of Chinese descent in both civil and criminal matters. When a national newspaper associated the 2001 outbreak of foot and mouth disease with a Chinese restaurant, about 1,000 Chinese demonstrated in London and successfully demanded a retraction of the accusations. In 2002 British Chinese complained to the British Library about the content of an exhibition about the East India Company. They demanded a mention of the human cost in China of the opium trade. In May 2007, Anna Lo became the first elected Chinese person in the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Mixed marriages between Chinese and others in the UK do occur but Chinese parents, whilst preferring their children to marry fellow Chinese, are generally tolerant. A Chinese father whilst expressing satisfaction in three of his four children having married Chinese partners, said of the fourth, 'She is likely to marry an Englishman, but I would not stop her-even if I could- and in any case, we will have no control over the next generation'. The Census of 1991 revealed that in the UK, 26% of Chinese women were married to non-Chinese partners, compared to 13% of Chinese men who had non-Chinese partners.

Cultural Issues

There is a growing awareness of Chinese literature, which is being added to by Chinese modern authors. Some are British born, others are Chinese who have based themselves in the UK. In a similar way to everything else concerning China or Chinese people, the situation is continuously changing. Many of the books of the 1990s seemed to be concerned with life in China during the difficult times, especially the era of the Cultural Revolution and the status of women in old, pre-1949 revolution, China. One Chinese critic commented that, the 'sad story of China' seems to attract all the attention. The richness of classical Chinese literature written over perhaps 2,000 years is still largely unknown to the general Western public. How many have read or even heard of the 'Dream of the Red Chamber' or 'The Romance of the Three Kingdoms?'

An interest in both traditional and contemporary Chinese art has developed in the UK especially over the last two decades or so. The "Chinese Arts Centre" in Manchester has been active in promoting and encouraging Chinese artists, both local born and also those from abroad. There are quite a few Chinese brush painting groups in certain parts of the UK. Chinese art exhibitions are held regularly and Chinese artists are brought from China. British schools hold 'China Days' so young British children can learn about Chinese culture.

Many UK cities, towns and even counties have 'twinning' arrangements with Chinese cities and provinces. For example Liverpool is twinned with Shanghai, Manchester with Wuhan and Yorkshire with Zhejiang province. British diners are aware of the difference between Cantonese, Sichuan and Beijing cooking. There is an interest in Chinese festivals such as Dragon Boat racing, the Mid Autumn Festival and especially Chinese New Year which is now celebrated regularly in many cities in the UK.

Chinese religion is a mixture of Confucianism, Chinese Buddhism, Taoism and traditional beliefs such as ancestor worship. Hong Kong Chinese are more religious than young mainlanders, many of whom say that they have no religion. Of course many Chinese, both Hong Kong and former mainlanders are Christians. Virtually all Chinese families in the UK with children celebrate Christmas. Many Chinese couples in the UK prefer to have a western style wedding, but with Chinese characteristics such as a Chinese banquet and sometimes a Chinese Tea ceremony. Funerals may be a mixture of a Christian service combined with traditional Chinese or Chinese Buddhist rituals. Many Chinese honour ancestors and visit the cemetery, traditionally at Qing Ming, Chong Yang and on the deceased person's birthday or anniversary of their death.

British Born Chinese (BBCs)

The Chinese community is changing as an increasing number of persons of Chinese descent are born in the UK and grow up as the British Born Chinese - the so called BBCs. Many of the children of restaurant and take away food shop operators are not following their parents into this trade which requires long and anti-social working hours. Many go to university and enter industry and the professions as engineers, teachers, accountants and doctors.

Although BBCs grow up with British children, have a British education and eventually go to work in British companies, schools and hospitals they are neither Chinese nor British. Consequently many will have problems of identity and at times, divided loyalties. The generation gap between parents brought up in a Chinese environment and their children growing up in Britain is likely to be even wider and complex than the gap between British parents and their children. Many will have experienced racial abuse and discrimination to different degrees, which is likely to have affected their attitude to life and possibly their career promotion prospects. They may feel confused not knowing where they fit in, as they are neither fully Chinese, nor fully British.

Some feel uncomfortable because they cannot speak Chinese fluently or read Chinese characters. Indeed the language barrier will intensify the generation gap, the parents never fully mastering English and the children never fully mastering Chinese. Some parents will not know precisely what their children are thinking and vice versa. On the other hand, BBC children sometimes act as interpreters for their parents. This can lead to awkward situations if a son has to speak to a doctor on behalf of his mother. Language is the root cause of many social problems.

BBCs have come to accept that they are precisely what the term applied to them implies. They are neither Chinese nor British but are have a separate identity of their own, a British Born Chinese person. A distinctive BBC 'culture' in visual art, literature and even the theatre has emerged. There are BBC websites such as "Dimsum" . This culture is also in a continuous state of evolution as the nature of the BBC society changes and their experience of life and outlook change. It will continue to change as sons and daughters become fathers and mothers of a fresh new generation of BBCs.

Expressing individuality is not encouraged by older Chinese parents with traditional attitudes. But individuality has become an important part of a young person's life in the West and BBCs are no exception. Here they are likely to clash with their more conservative parents but some BBCs will be influenced by peer pressure of the host community. However, traditional Chinese values, respect for authority, elders, parents and teachers do seem to persist in many young BBCs. The crime rate amongst Chinese in the UK is generally low and very few young Chinese drink to excess and engage in antisocial behaviour. Education is valued and Chinese children and students study hard. Statistics show that they generally obtain the highest academic qualifications when compared to the host community and other ethnic groups. Even so, some Chinese parents complain that their offspring do not show Chinese attitudes. They are 'bananas', yellow on the outside, but white on the inside. Some Chinese parents send their children to 'Chinese Sunday School' to learn the Chinese language. Both Cantonese and Mandarin classes are available.

The increasing number of Chinese professionals is helping to erode the 1985 figure of 90% employed in the catering industry as we move further into the 21st Century. In 2004, only about 45% of the Chinese population was employed in catering. Furthermore, a survey showed that in 1991, 34% of the Chinese in Britain were self-employed but this figure had dropped to 27% during the period 2003 to 2006.

Chinese school leavers have the highest academic qualifications. However, some figures relating to employment was interpreted by one BBC as showing that Chinese are amongst the least likely to be successful in job application. Possibly this was because of her own personal experience. Maybe there were insufficient numbers for the survey to be meaningful - or, there way be some truth in it. If this is the case, it could be influenced by the Chinese nature of not projecting themselves forward and selling themselves - it is more in the Chinese nature to be unassuming and modest. This attribute of the Chinese is likely to affect their salary and career progression in Britain.

However actual racism does exist and may be influencing their promotion aspects and their general work quality.

Chinese restaurant and takeaway workers are subject to customers not paying their bills, verbal racist abuse and even violent assault. In 2005 a take away food shop owner was killed by a group of youths in Greater Manchester.

Most Chinese tolerate and ignore antisocial behaviour. Some complain that the police could be more helpful. In addition, there have been several recent incidents of desecration of Chinese graves in the Chinese section of cemeteries in Liverpool.

British Chinese are proud to be British but are also proud of China's economic success and enhanced stature amongst the countries of the world. The British host community is generally respectful of the Chinese Community which they see as contributing to the UK in a positive way. However, the British media and press frequently present biased reports of world events in which China is involved. Many British Chinese quietly resent such reports, which seem to be perpetuating a cold war attitude.

Unlike previous generations, many of the present Chinese are here to stay in Britain permanently and are happy to regard themselves as ethnic Chinese- but British citizens in the British multicultural and multiracial society. But there is a need for greater understanding between the Chinese Community and the host society - and also between the two countries, the UK and China.

Further Reading

1) Parker David, Through different eyes: The cultural identities of Young Chinese people in Britain, Aldershot: Avebury 1995.
2) Jones Douglas, The roots of the Chinese in Britain, China Now No 110, Autumn 1984, SACU.
3) Foley Yvonne, Chinese seamen in World War 2, China Eye No 13, Spring 2007, SACU.
4) Pann Lynn (Ed) Encyclopaedia of the Chinese overseas, Curzon 1998.
5) Wikipedia. British Chinese.

The Chinese in Britain

This is a historical article from an early issue of China Now magazine. Jenny Clegg tells the story of Britain's Chinese community and their hosts' ambivalent reaction.

The history of the Chinese in Britain has yet to be written. What exists is only a handful of surveys, dissertations, census figures, and newspaper reports.

But put these together and the story begins to unfold - a story that is part of both Britain's and China's history, and one that only makes sense viewed in the context of the relations between the two countries.

It is a story in which there is cause for anger but also cause for pride. Forced to pay for defeat in colonial wars, impoverished Chinese people were driven abroad where they were often treated with suspicion, hostility and even violence. Cheap labour was often used as a pawn by the employers against demands for higher wages, and Chinese people became targets for frustrated British seamen. Yet frequently the community did organise itself to better its conditions. The record of British people is not all negative either - but for the most part it was only a minority who did speak out and join with Chinese people to fight these injustices.

Contrary to the sensationalism of the newspaper reports, commentators have stressed that apart from the few incidents of violence, relations between Chinese and British have on the whole been good. But also British people often see the Chinese as 'hardworking' and 'industrious'; little enough credit is given to the contribution of those labourers and seamen in Europe during the First and Second World Wars, nor to the contribution made towards Britain's post-war economic boom by catering workers who were also supporting the economies of many villages in the New Territories.

In recent years, the community has grown in more than number: the proliferation of organisations, advice centres and mother-tongue schools bears witness to the activism of many; others are beginning to take initiatives in promoting trade with China and the Far East. Still more are succeeding in enriching the culture of Britain's multiracial society with more than oriental food.

The community has achieved a certain unity and made a significant contribution towards British life. This has been gained in the face of discrimination and disadvantage, in a society which has yet to recognise its needs, let alone understand its own history.

Elgin in Beijing
In 1860, Lord Elgin is carried in state into Beijing after the defeat of China (in the 2nd Opium War).
He ordered the destruction of the Summer Palace.

1637 British warships bombard Humen port, Guangzhou; China is forcibly compelled to trade with Britain.
1750s to 1800s British aristocracy develop a passion for Chinoiserie, which affects not only furniture and ornaments; gentlemen enjoy dressing up in dragon and mandarin robes on festive occasions; ladies endeavour to procure Chinese boys as pages or pets.
1800 100 tons of opium shipped to China marking escalation of opium trade.
1814 Chinese seamen employed by the East India Company are housed in barracks in Shadwell, East London - a parliamentary enquiry finds conditions 'clean and airy' but expresses doubt as to whether there is sufficient space.
1837 2,000 tons of opium shipped to China despite restrictions of Qing (Manchu) government.
1839 Lin Zexu, the Emperor's special commissioner, orders the public burning of opium surrendered by foreign merchants.
1840 British merchants demand vengeance and 4,000 troops are sent to China. Chartist press condemns the immorality that China is '...destined to destruction by the horrors of civilised warfare for refusing to be poisoned by opium.'
1842 Ill-equipped Chinese army defeated by British troops at Ningpo. Unequal treaty of Nanjing cedes Hong Kong to Britain.
1851 Census finds 78 Chinese-born residents all living in London.
1857 Second Opium War results in unequal treaty of Tianjin which includes a clause allowing Britain and France to recruit Chinese to the British Colonies, North and South America and Australia as cheap labour following the cessation of the slave trade.
1865 First direct steamship service from Europe to China established in Liverpool by Alfred and Philip Holt's Blue Funnel Line, using cheap Chinese crews.
1873 The Ebbw Vale Company threatens to import cheap Chinese labour from Nevada to break a strike of their workers in Wales.
1877 Kuo Sung-tao, the first Chinese minister to Britain, opens the legation in London.
1880 Britain exports 448 billion yards of cotton to China marking an escalation in the cotton trade greater than trade to other Middle and Far Eastern countries.
1882 Wu Tin Fang is the first Chinese student to be admitted to the bar in London.
1885 Chinatowns grow up in London and Liverpool with grocery stores, eating houses, meeting places and, in the East End, Chinese street names.
1891 Census finds 582 Chinese-born residents in Britain.
1896 Sun Yatsen visits London but is held prisoner for 12 days by the Chinese Legation which attempts to extradite him to China where he would face certain death. His release is obtained by English friends.
1901 Census finds 387 Chinese-born residents in Britain: 80% are single males between 20 and 35, the majority of these being seamen.
The first Chinese laundry opens in Poplar. It is immediately stoned by a hostile crowd.
The TUC, concerned about the importation of Chinese labour into the South African gold mines, suggests that the mine-owners and the Conservative government are 'preventing South Africa becoming a white man's country'.
1907 First report on the Chinese in Britain produced by Liverpool City Council amidst concern over Chinese marrying English wives, gambling and opium taking. Liverpool's Chief Constable, however, expresses the view that the resident Chinese are 'quiet, inoffensive and industrious people'.
Mutual aid associations are set up in London and Liverpool. In contrast to the semi-mystical Chinese Masonic Lodge, these associations look after the interests of their members, arrange burials and assist in cases of exploitation.
1908 Crowds of angry British seamen, opposed to the cheap Chinese crews, prevent Chinese seamen from signing on ships; the Chinese have to return to their boarding houses under police escort to avoid molestation.
The first recorded opening of a Chinese restaurant in London.
1911 Census records 1,319 Chinese born residents in Britain and 4,595 seamen of Chinese origin serving in the British merchant navy.
Republic of China established with the overthrow of the Qing dynasty.
1916 Government abandons plans to introduce several hundred thousand Chinese labourers into Britain as trade union leaders protest that such a project would have 'calamitous effects on the standard of life'.
1917 1,083 Chinese leave Shandong on a British ship bound for Le Havre, as the first group of a total of nearly 100,000 recruited to unload munitions and supplies in France.
1919 Aliens Restriction Act extended to peacetime, bringing about a decline in the Chinese population in Britain.
The Zhong Shan Mutual Aid Workers Club is established, offering a meeting place free from ridicule and humiliation by the English. It aims to unite the overseas Chinese in Britain, to improve their working conditions and look after their welfare.
The Cheung clansmen found a limited liability company controlling a group of successful restaurants - the first step in a new trend.
1921 Census finds 2,419 Chinese-born residents in Britain, including 547 laundrymen, 455 seamen and 26 restaurant workers.
1925 The KMT sends a representative to London, who establishes a close relationship with. the Zhong Shan Workers Club.
Canton-Hong Kong strike involving over 250,000 following massacre of workers in Shanghai by British.
1927 Effects of the immigration regulations are felt in Liverpool's Chinatown as the local press reports that 'the whole Chinese quarter has a dying atmosphere'.
1931 Census finds 1,934 Chinese residents. Over 500 laundries in Britain; and two or three Chinese restaurants open in Soho catering for the British clientele of the West End theatre crowds.
1935 The first Chinese school - the Zhonghua Middle School - is established in Middlefields with thirty students.
1937 Japan attacks China. The China Campaign Committee is set up in Britain with the support of Chinese students, Chinese intellectuals such as Professor Wang, researching at the LSE, and by the Chinese communities in London, Liverpool and Manchester.
1938 Two attempts to load a cargo of iron for Japanese munitions are defeated by dockers in Teesside and London and Chinese seamen who refuse to sign on the Japanese ship, despite bribes.
China Week and China Sunday, supported by the Archbishop of York and other Church leaders as well as the Chinese communities in Britain, raise funds for the International Peace Hospital in Ya'nan.
1939 With the outbreak of the Second World War, the Chinese Merchant Seamen's Pool of approximately 20,000 is established with headquarters in Liverpool. They man the oil-tankers on the dangerous Atlantic run.
1940 Protest against the closure of the Burma Road by the British Government, with the China Campaign Committee and Chinese students, including especially K.C. Lim and Kenneth Lo, active in organising a petition of 1.5 million signatures.
London meeting of Chinese seamen launches a campaign, eventually successful, to win a wartime danger bonus for Chinese seamen equal to that granted to British seamen.
1945-1947 Large numbers of Chinese seamen are repatriated; the Blue Funnel Line sacks its Asian crews.
1949 The People's Republic of China is established.
1951 The Census records a big increase in Britain's Chinese population, now standing at 12,523, of whom over 4,000 are from Malaysia, and including 3,459 single males from Hong Kong. The influx of Chinese into Britain coincides with increased pressure in Hong Kong due to the build-up of refugees from the mainland.
Nearly 100 restaurants are now open, as former embassy staff and ex-seamen find a niche in this trade. Records show remittances to Hong Kong of HK$ 2.5 million.
1961 Census records Britain's Chinese population at 38,750, with a fivefold increase in Hong Kong-born residents in London.
The Association of Chinese Restaurateurs is formed to maintain the good reputation of the Chinese catering business and to organise recruitment from the New Territories.
1962 The Immigration Act introduces controls through a voucher system.
Approximately 30,000 workers from the New Territories are resident in Britain and records show remittances at HK$40 million.
1963 96 wives from Hong Kong join their husbands in Britain, indicating a new phase - from 'sojourning' to family reunion and a more settled life.
Soho's Chinatown finally takes over from the East End as the Zhongshan Workers' Club opens in the West End, showing films and running classes. The first Chinese New Year celebrations are held in Gerrard Street. The Overseas Chinese Service opens the first specialised agency to assist the Chinese in dealing with the host society by offering a translation and interpreting service.
1971 Census records Britain's Chinese population at 96,030, more than doubling in ten years.
By now, every small town and suburb has its own Chinese restaurant. Out of the 4,000 Chinese owned businesses, about 1,400 are restaurants, indicating that as the market for restaurant trade reaches saturation, the takeaway trade takes off.
1976 Britain's Chinese population now includes approximately 6,000 fulltime students and 2,000 nurses.
The Chinese Community Centre opens in Gerrard Street with Urban Aid funding to deal with the problems experienced by the Chinese community.
1980 David Yip makes a breakthrough with the popular TV series, 'The Chinese Detective'.
1981 Census records Britain's Chinese population as 154,363.
35 Chinese-language newspapers and 362 periodicals are on sale from seven bookshops in Soho. Sing Tao itself has a circulation of 10,000 in Britain.
The Chinese population now numbers the elderly, and 30,000 children in British schools. Of these, 75 percent were born in this country, representing a new phase of settlement.
1982 Merseyside Chinese Community Services opens the 'Pagoda of Hundred Harmony', an advice centre built with the help of an Urban Aid grant.
1983 Chinese Information and Advice Centre, an amalgamation of the Chinese Workers Group (1975) and the Chinese Action Group (1980) gets GLC funding for a centre.
1984 Sixty Chinese associations, including women's groups and old people's clubs, are affiliated to two national umbrella organisations.
Approximately 7,000 restaurants, takeaways and other Chinese owned businesses, indicating a slow-down in the rate of growth.
926 students attend the Chinese Chamber of Commerce Mother Tongue School, which runs classes up to O-level standard.
1985 British and PRC governments sign the Draft Agreement on the return of Hong Kong to China in 1997.
The House of Commons Home Affairs Committee report identifies five main problems faced by the Chinese in Britain. Recommendations include more language training, careers advice, community centres, and interpretation and advice services.
Over 50 percent of the Chinese population is under 30; 50 percent live outside the large metropolitan areas; 2 percent are professionals, including doctors, solicitors, architects, bankers, stockbrokers, business executives, teachers and university lecturers.
1987 Manchester's Chinatown Archway , the largest in Europe, is completed, marking co-operation between the government of the PRC, Manchester City Council and the local Chinese community.
'Ping Pong', the first Chinese film from the Chinese community in Britain, opens in London.

Charles Henry Brewitt-Taylor: Translator of the Romance of the Three Kingdoms

Cyril Cannon worked in the printing industry before moving to academia, undertaking undergraduate and postgraduate studies at the London School of Economics. His final posts were in Hongkong, initially helping to set up what is now City University, and then as Academic Consultant to Lingnan. He is retired and lives in London. He has been a SACU member for well over 20 years, and was on the editorial board of China in Focus.
This article is based on the author's Public Success, Private Sorrow: the Life and Times of Charles Henry Brewitt-Taylor (1857-1938), China Customs Commissioner and Pioneer Translator. Foreword by Frances Wood (Hong Kong University Press 2009), 280 pages, plus photographs. The research is based on a variety of materials most of which have not previously been used: the result involved travelling to a various universities and other institutional archives in Australia, China, England, Scotland and Ireland, family letters, newspapers, and personal memories; many books and journals on China have also been a major source of historical information. This article uses the book for citations as a convenient single publication for the original sources; the book is available in bookshops world-wide.

The majority of Westerners who worked in China kept aloof from Chinese culture and tended to treat the minority who engaged with the culture with disdain: a widespread view being that 'fellows that went in for Chinese grew queer in the head'. ;But many of the latter became eminent sinologues and sinologists, and were an important bridge for bringing understanding of the East to the West. Brewitt-Taylor was one of these. This article looks at his early years, highlights his successful career in China, introduces his highly regarded writing achievements, and considers his personal sadnesses. His biography was drawn against the background of the colourful events in China's history where he lived for forty years, from 1880 to 1920.

Readers of China Eye would have met several references to the famous Chinese novel, Romance of the Three Kingdoms, the San Kuo Chi Yen-I (Sanguozhi yanyi in Pinyin). This was regarded as one of the four great Chinese novels and probably the most famous. Far less well-known is the author of the first complete English translation, Charles Henry Brewitt-Taylor. His translation was published by Kelly and Walsh in 1925; and was the first of the big four to have a full English translation. It was also the earliest to have been written down, probably in the 14c around the time of Chaucer; translation would have required extra care. Thus B-T can be regarded as a pioneer in the history of English translations of Chinese novels.

By his Romance he was also pioneering in another way. Before the twentieth century, traditional Chinese literati didn't recognize novels as literature, for they were popular stories, appealing to the less well-educated. They were also written not in the literary or classical language, the medium for everything seriously regarded as literature in pre-modern China, but in the vernacular; they were, therefore, considered unworthy of serious consideration by traditional scholars, although many educated Chinese would have been familiar with the major novels. A shift in attitude to a more sympathetic view of the vernacular novels is often associated with the populism of the May 4th Movement following the First World War. Yet foreign sinologues, as well as Chinese were beginning to appreciate their value long before. In his Preface to the San Kuo, B-T quotes A. Wylie, a well-known sinologue, at length: 'Novels and romances are too important as a class to be overlooked' He went on to emphasise that the insight they give to national customs and manners, their role in providing some knowledge of history, and the influence of the novels on character were all too weighty for them to be left out of account 'notwithstanding the prejudices of scholars'. Wylie wrote this in the first edition of his Notes on Chinese Literature, published in 1867.

I became curious about B-T. How did he come to know Chinese so well? Why did he go to China? How long was he there, and what work did he do? Very little was known about him, surely his achievement deserved some record, perhaps a short article?

Locating and delving into a fascinating range of sources I gradually built a picture of his life; the research expanded and so did the writing.

Despite the hyphenated name, adopted by B-T in China in his twenties, he came from a poor background. His father had worked in the low rank of coastguard boatman, his mother eked out the family income by working as a dressmaker. The father had taken early retirement probably because of ill-health, and not long after, in October 1868, he committed suicide in his home in Littlehampton.

This family tragedy did have an upside: it provided a useful opportunity for the 10-year old Charles, enabling him as an orphan to apply for entrance to the prestigious Royal Hospital School in Greenwich, to pursue a maritime-orientated education as a boarder. He did well in his studies and undertook a teacher-training pathway there. He was more attracted to Astronomy, and applied to the Royal Observatory for a post, but was turned down on medical grounds despite strong appeals from the Astronomer-Royal. But he must have had other irons in the fire, for soon after this disappointment in 1880, aged 22, he married and set sail for China. Astronomy's loss was to be sinology's gain.

The post Charles had secured was at the Naval School in Foochow, where he taught mathematics, navigation and nautical astronomy. The school and the naval dockyard, of which it was a part, had been set up around 1869 and was regarded as one of the successes of the Self-Strengthening movement which had followed the Taiping rebellion. The initial successes of the rebels (who had a distorted Christian ideology), had produced feelings of vulnerability within the Ch'ing dynasty, and encouraged an awareness among some important progressive officials of the need for China to modernise. In Foochow Charles soon became a close friend of the Vice-Consul, H. A. Giles (of the Wade-Giles system of transliteration), who later claimed to have persuaded Charles of the need to become proficient in Chinese. Giles thought well of Charles and when awarded the Gold Medal of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1922 (the first person to be awarded the medal for Chinese Studies), he cited B-T in his speech of thanks as one of a 'tidal wave' of British sinologues helping to establish the study of Chinese.

B-T had clearly taken Giles' advice seriously. Within a few years of arriving in China with all the demands of a new job and adapting to a new life, he had developed sufficient proficiency and confidence in Chinese to have published pieces of translation from novels and other writings in the Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society and the China Review. He also wrote Problems and Theorums of Navigation and Nautical Astronomy, which I haven't been able to discover.

Family life was happy and his wife bore a number of babies, but only two survived. Sadly, his wife never recovered from her last maternity. B-T was devastated for he was reputed to have been very much in love with her.

He decided to change career and joined the Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs. The ICMC was one of the most famous organizations in China; though a government institution it was run by Westerners. A China customs organization had existed for centuries, but it was not efficient, customs were levied in an ad hoc way, and corruption was rife. According to the powerful Prince Kung 'embezzlement and smuggling and a hundred malpractices flourished, and were a great hindrance in the collection of customs revenues'. Whilst some foreigners were happy about this, many foreign traders preferred more certainty and consistency in the collection of dues. Political activities at the time of the Taiping revolt, presented the opportunity to bring about new arrangements in 1854. The famous Robert Hart was appointed Inspector-General of the ICMC in 1863, and under his leadership, lasting nearly half a century, the organization became a unique and powerful body engaging in a range of infrastructural activities.

B-T's first posting was to a fairly junior position, but he clearly saw greater opportunities in the ICMC than in teaching. In 1891 he travelled to Tientsin with his two sons, Leonard and Raymond, aged 7 and 4. There he remarried, to Ann the China-born daughter of Alexander Michie, the publisher and editor of the highly regarded China Times. After a few years he was posted to Peking, and went through a series of rapid promotions to Deputy Commissioner and then to Acting Commissioner in Swatow in 1900. The B-Ts were all packed and ready to leave when the Boxer uprising broke out, and he and his wife were sieged in the British Minister's residence, which became the main base for defence. Whilst there he heard the news that his home and possessions had all been burnt down, including the complete draft of his translation of the San Kuo, as well as another translation that he was working on, Chats in Chinese, which was published in 1901. This was the second time he had lost his home which had also been wrecked in 1885 by the French bombardment of the naval dockyard in Foochow.

After Swatow he was seconded to the Post Office also under Hart as District Postmaster of the busiest postal area in China: Shanghai. Somewhat surprisingly, he didn't like the city, finding it expensive and noisy. He much preferred his next posting to Mengtze, the scenic and tranquil small Yunnan town close to the border with French Indo-China (now Vietnam). But tranquillity was not to last in his domestic life. B-T frequently made trips to other parts of the region, leaving behind his wife. On his last trip, because of unsavoury characters in the area, he asked a young member of staff to stay in his house. A romantic relationship developed and on B-T's return he suspected adultery. The member of staff resigned the Service, Ann had a nervous breakdown, and was hospitalized for several months in 1906/07, before being sent back to the UK for treatment. She was accompanied by a nurse who reports on the trials of the voyage including Ann annoying other passengers and throwing all her luggage into the sea. She was received into Bethlem mental hospital in London (now the home of the Imperial War Museum) where she stayed for a further seven months before returning to China. Her story was pieced together after locating a long letter from her seeking admission in 1915 to a mental hospital in Edinburgh, where she spent four years. The letter is extraordinarily frank, delusionary with Freudian-type overtones, her relationship with her husband, and her continuing romantic attachment to the staff member she met in Mengtze. Throughout her life, Ann continued to have mental problems and hospital incarcerations.

In 1908 a new college was to be set up in Peking providing a four-year higher education course for selected Chinese preparing for senior positions in the Customs. Hart had selected B-T, now a full Commissioner, as Director, someone 'whose previous training, experience, and sound Chinese scholarship marked him as eminently fitted to fill the post.' During his final year, 1912-13, he combined the Directorship with Acting Chief Secretary whilst the incumbent (who described the job as a number two to the Inspector-General), was on leave. The arrangement suggests a high degree of confidence in B-T. Whilst there his two-volume edition of the Textbook of Documentary Chinese was published. Readers shouldn't be put off by the dull title: the work contains some fascinating material impinging on the work of the Customs. His edition has been cited as one of the three important translations of Ch'ing documents.

For his last three postings his wife remained in Earlsferry/Elie in Fifeshire, Scotland where she had a house. Foochow where he was posted for two years must have been an odd experience, recalling perhaps happy times with his first wife and the sadness of her death. Then to Mukden (now Shenyang), politically a highly sensitive town where Japanese and Russians jostled for influence, and needing an experienced Customs Commissioner. Chungking was his final post; a period when the war-lords flourished, avoiding customs duties and bringing down the price of opium which affected customs income. He decided to retire in 1920 taking advantage of the new pension scheme. He was aged 62, and after forty busy years in China was feeling his age. During his working life he had been awarded a number of decorations and was satisfied with his achievements.

He must have approached the prospect of retirement with his wife with some trepidation. But he came south four times a year to visit family and also Evangeline Dora Edwards whom he had met in Mukden when she was principal of the women's teacher training college; she became professor of Chinese at SOAS. She was the only non-family to receive a legacy from him when he died. Both his sons, with whom he got on with very well, died before him: Raymond, a medical captain in the Field Ambulance Service, was killed at the Front just before the end of the First World War, aged 33, and leaving a son he had never seen. Leonard died in 1933, from a cancerous blood condition he was aged 48, and had taken early retirement. For B-T to have lost both his sons, it must have been a grievous blow.

B-T's still frequently printed translation of the San Kuo was first published by Kelly and Walsh, then in Shanghai, in 1925; it was very warmly received by many reviewers.

B-T died in 1938, aged eighty. My wife and I visited his grave in Elie, Fifeshire, where Ann's Michie family had come from and where I had been invited to give a talk about B-T and the Michies. He and his wife, who had died about nine years after him, were buried side-by-side; just two sad mounds of grass with no headstones. The heavy wetness of the day added to the forlornness of the occasion. Yet it somehow seemed not entirely inappropriate for a life of achievement, but one accompanied by much sorrow.